{"id":429604,"date":"2018-06-11T10:22:46","date_gmt":"2018-06-11T10:22:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/essaypaper.org\/rise-of-china\/"},"modified":"2018-10-24T09:19:16","modified_gmt":"2018-10-24T09:19:16","slug":"rise-of-china","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.benedictsol.com\/blogs\/rise-of-china\/","title":{"rendered":"Rise of China"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Questions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Mark Range %<\/strong><\/td>\nGrade<\/strong><\/td>\nSpecific Assessment \u00a0 \u00a0 Criteria for the Module<\/strong><\/td>\nGeneric Assessment \u00a0 \u00a0 Criteria<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
70-100<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n

Distinction<\/td>\nExcellent \u00a0 \u00a0 work showing an outstanding understanding of a range of relevant theoretical \u00a0 and practice-based debate \u00a0 surrounding changing geo-politics and new \u00a0 development actors, from the perspective of a chosen topic and as relevant to \u00a0 the assessment task. Draws on a \u00a0 wealth of highly relevant sources, \u00a0 including material not used in the module. \u00a0 Demonstrates an excellent \u00a0 ability to critique, analyse and evaluate a particular \u00a0 issue\/theme, \u00a0 and draws on a range of ideas and concepts to develop a well structured \u00a0 \u00a0 and analytical argument, which demonstrates an excellent ability to \u00a0 communicate to relevant stakeholders, as appropriate to the assessment task. \u00a0 Uses contemporary examples from policy and practice, \u00a0 including topical \u00a0 case studies and examples not discussed in module materials. Very well \u00a0 \u00a0 written and referenced throughout, showing evidence of independent thought.<\/td>\nExcellent \u00a0 \u00a0 work providing evidence to a very high level of the knowledge, understanding \u00a0 \u00a0 and skills appropriate to level 7. All learning outcomes met, many at \u00a0 high \u00a0 level. Marks at the high end of this range indicate outstanding \u00a0 work where \u00a0 all learning outcomes are met at a high level. Excellent in \u00a0 all or most of: \u00a0 use of primary sources of literature from a range of \u00a0 perspectives; coherent \u00a0 presentation and synthesis of evidence, \u00a0 development of analysis and structure \u00a0 of argument; critical evaluation \u00a0 and creative use of theory; presentation of \u00a0 information to the \u00a0 intended audience<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
60-69<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n

Commendation<\/td>\nVery \u00a0 good \u00a0 work showing an outstanding understanding of a range of relevant theoretical \u00a0 and practice-based debate \u00a0 surrounding changing geo-politics and new \u00a0 development actors, from the perspective of a chosen topic and as relevant to \u00a0 the assessment task. Draws \u00a0 on a good range of relevant sources, \u00a0 including material not used in the \u00a0 module. \u00a0Demonstrates an \u00a0 ability to \u00a0 critique, analyse and evaluate a particular issue, and \u00a0 draws on a range of \u00a0 debate, ideas and concepts to develop a well structured \u00a0 and analytical argument, which demonstrates an ability to communicate to \u00a0 relevant stakeholders, as appropriate to the assessment task. Uses \u00a0 \u00a0 contemporary examples from policy and practice, including topical case \u00a0 \u00a0 studies and examples. Generally well written and \u00a0 referenced \u00a0 throughout.<\/td>\nCommendable \u00a0 \u00a0 work providing evidence to a high level of the knowledge, understanding and \u00a0 \u00a0 skills appropriate to level 7. All learning outcomes met, many are \u00a0 more than \u00a0 satisfied. Good in all or most of: use of up-to-date \u00a0 material from a variety \u00a0 of sources; coherent presentation and \u00a0 synthesis of evidence; development of \u00a0 analysis and structure of \u00a0 argument; critical evaluation of relevant theory; \u00a0 presentation of \u00a0 information to the intended audience<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
55-59<\/strong><\/td>\nPass<\/td>\nSatisfactory \u00a0work \u00a0 showing an understanding of relevant theoretical and practice-based debate \u00a0 \u00a0 surrounding changing geo-politics and new development actors, from the \u00a0 perspective of a chosen topic and as relevant to the assessment task. Draws \u00a0 on a range of \u00a0 relevant sources, but does not go much beyond the \u00a0 readings identified in the \u00a0 module reading list. Demonstrates some \u00a0 ability to critique, analyse and evaluate a \u00a0 particular issue, and \u00a0 draws on a range of ideas and concepts to develop a fairly \u00a0 well \u00a0 structured and analytical argument. Struggles to draw on sufficiently \u00a0 \u00a0 relevant contemporary examples from policy and practice and does not go \u00a0 \u00a0 beyond examples identified in the module. Reasonably well written but \u00a0 writing \u00a0 lacks structure and clarity in places; indicative of competent \u00a0 but somewhat limited ability to communicate clearly with relevant \u00a0 stakeholders as appropriate to the assessment task. Referencing is not always \u00a0 thorough.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

Satisfactory \u00a0 \u00a0 work providing evidence of the knowledge, understanding and skills \u00a0 \u00a0 appropriate to level 7. All learning outcomes are met. Satisfactory in all or \u00a0 \u00a0 most of: use of relevant material from a variety of sources; \u00a0 \u00a0presentation and synthesis of evidence; development \u00a0 of analysis \u00a0 and structure of argument; evaluation of theory; application of \u00a0 \u00a0 relevant theory, research methods and findings to the problem in question; \u00a0 \u00a0 presentation of information to the intended audience.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
50-54<\/strong><\/td>\nPass<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

Adequate \u00a0 \u00a0 work which meets the learning outcomes but shows only a basic understanding \u00a0 \u00a0 of relevant theoretical and practice-based debate \u00a0 surrounding changing \u00a0 geo-politics and new development actors, from the perspective of a chosen \u00a0 topic and as relevant to the assessment task. Draws on relevant sources but \u00a0 does not go beyond the essential \u00a0 readings identified in the module \u00a0 reading list. Demonstrates a basic ability to \u00a0 critique, analyse and \u00a0 evaluate a particular issue, but draws on a limited \u00a0 number of debates, \u00a0 ideas and concepts and is largely unable to sustain their analysis. \u00a0 \u00a0 Struggles to develop an argument. Shows only a basic engagement with \u00a0 contemporary \u00a0 examples from policy and practice, and does not go beyond \u00a0 examples \u00a0 identified in the module.\u00a0 \u00a0 Writing lacks structure and clarity, \u00a0 with very limited ability to communicate clearly with relevant stakeholders, \u00a0 as appropriate to the assessment task. Referencing is patchy.<\/td>\nAdequate \u00a0 \u00a0 work providing evidence of the knowledge, understanding and skills \u00a0 appropriate \u00a0 to level 7 but only at a bare pass level. All learning outcomes \u00a0 are \u00a0 met (or nearly met and balanced by strengths elsewhere). Adequate in all \u00a0 \u00a0 of (or most of, with balancing strength elsewhere): use of relevant \u00a0 material; \u00a0 development of analysis and structure of argument; \u00a0 evaluation of theory; \u00a0 application of relevant theory; presentation of \u00a0 information to the intended \u00a0 audience.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
40-49<\/strong><\/td>\nFail<\/td>\nWork \u00a0 is not \u00a0 at an acceptable standard for level 7 and shows a lack of \u00a0 \u00a0 understanding of relevant theoretical and practice-based debate \u00a0 \u00a0 surrounding changing geo-politics and new development actors, from the \u00a0 perspective of a chosen topic and as relevant to the assessment task. Raises \u00a0 some of the main points expected but \u00a0 struggles to provide convincing \u00a0 analysis & is too descriptive. May use \u00a0 some relevant material but \u00a0 provides only a superficial engagement with concepts \u00a0 and ideas, and \u00a0 does not draw on relevant examples. Structure, writing and \u00a0 referencing \u00a0 are all poor, with very limited ability to communicate clearly with relevant \u00a0 stakeholders, as appropriate to the assessment task..<\/td>\nWork \u00a0 is not \u00a0 acceptable in providing evidence of the knowledge, understanding and \u00a0 \u00a0 skills appropriate to level 7. However a majority of the learning outcomes \u00a0 \u00a0 are met and others are nearly satisfied. Adequate in most but not all \u00a0 of the \u00a0 following aspects : use of relevant material; development of \u00a0 analysis and \u00a0 structure of argument; evaluation of theory; application \u00a0 of relevant theory; \u00a0 presentation of information to the intended \u00a0 audience<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
1-39<\/strong><\/td>\nFail<\/td>\nWork \u00a0 is not \u00a0 at an acceptable standard for level 7 and shows a lack of understanding of relevant \u00a0 theoretical and practice-based debate \u00a0 surrounding changing \u00a0 geo-politics and new development actors, from the perspective of a chosen \u00a0 topic and as relevant to the assessment task.\u00a0 Work is difficult to \u00a0 follow and struggles to \u00a0 engage with relevant materials; discussion is \u00a0 often irrelevant. Structure and \u00a0 referencing are very poor and writing \u00a0 is often inarticulate, riddled with \u00a0 faulty grammar & spelling. \u00a0 Hence, evidence of ability to communicate with relevant stakeholders is \u00a0 absent.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

Work \u00a0 is not \u00a0 acceptable and provides little evidence of the knowledge, \u00a0 \u00a0 understanding and skills appropriate to level 7. Few of the learning outcomes are met. Inadequate in some of the following aspects or seriously \u00a0 inadequate \u00a0 in at least one: use of relevant material; development of \u00a0 analysis and \u00a0 structure of argument; evaluation of theory; application \u00a0 of relevant theory; \u00a0 presentation of information to the intended audience.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
0<\/strong><\/td>\nFail<\/td>\nCompletely \u00a0 \u00a0 irrelevant work that meets none of the learning outcomes.<\/td>\nWork \u00a0 not \u00a0 submitted OR Work giving evidence of serious academic misconduct (subject \u00a0 \u00a0 to regulations in ARNA Appendix 1) OR Work showing no evidence of the \u00a0 \u00a0 knowledge, understanding and skills appropriate to level 7. None of \u00a0 the \u00a0 learning outcomes are met<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Answers:<\/p>\n

It is seen that the last few decades of the late twentieth century had witnessed a gradual rise of China in the global economy and political and geopolitical terms. Currently China is considered as the second largest economy in the world and is close to become the largest economy in the world. It has been seen that the economy of China has been contributed significantly in the global growth in economy and it positively influenced the global economy during the time of global recession in economy.\u00a0\u00a0 At the time of global financial crisis (GFC), China however sustained a growing economy and that played a major role in ensuring that the global growth in economy stays in a positive territory (Deresky 2017). It can be said that, inclusion of China in the world economy included almost one fifth of the population of the world in the global trading system and it significantly increased the potential of the world market and integration of the global market in significantly higher levels. This significant boost in the global economy allowed various opportunities to enhance the worldwide productivity, consumption and trade including the potential to increase the betterment of all the associated nations.<\/p>\n

It is seen that the increasing economic weight of China in the world economy is influencing the country\u2019s political and economical relations with the other countries and also changing the global political and economic landscape. In this regard, it can be said that the gradual rise of China as a major force in the economic and political sector can benefit the global human generation and also promises to raise a range of geopolitical challenges that cannot be predicted (Breslin 2016). Whatever may these challenges be, China will have to face the consequences of managing the rise of the nation in a palatable way to both the world and domestic communities. It is seen that the emergence of imbalance in financial sector among regions is the chief characteristic of the contemporary global economy and the increasing imbalance in trading between China and United States of America has been a chief contributing factor in the global economy (Deresky 2017). Recently China has earned a strong position globally in terms of economy, trade and consumption of commodity that made the country to have tier one power. However, it is seen that a framework for exchange arrangements and a financial system prevents the country from attaining equivalent heft I financial domain with the intermediation of the real imbalance in economy of the worldwide-industrialized nations. In order to eradicate this imbalance, the leaders of China need to deepen the financial sector\u2019 reforms in order to liberties the capital account and also to achieve full convertibility of the currency of China. It can be said that it is somehow against the background setting of the imbalance that China along with other nations should need to modify the composition of their financial or economic activity and subsequently their balance sheets (Che et al.<\/em> 2016). The significant distress can be found across the world when the process of economic de-leveraging took a peak in the middle of global financial crises and the uneven signs of stabilization were experienced since the government of China has decreased the enormity of the task.<\/p>\n

It is seen, that the gradual rise of China has become one of the major topic of discussion and study in the area of international relations from the last couple of decades. It has been experienced that the scholars do not argue whether the rise of China is a fiction or fact, but they also speculate what could possibly be the implication if China does not become a powerful nation in the global economy (Breslin 2016). As per the international relations, it can be said that the idea of China\u2019s rise is in a gray zone that cannot be specifically defined. On the other hand, it can be said that China has significantly developed in the military department and that have influenced the international relations of China. It has been seen that it has became a question of the economists that how the government of China can sustain their rise in economically.<\/p>\n

\u00a0In accordance to the international relations theory, it can be said that the traditional wisdom states that international politics is a complex game of power (Deresky 2017). On the other hand, Neo-realists and realist debate on the fact that distribution of capability matters a lot for a country to rise globally and the definition of the capability is strictly refrained under the military terms. \u00a0\u00a0It can be said that China as a rising nation has elevated its position globally in the power hierarchy and in political sense. It can also be said that there are multiple differences for how the rise of China can be interpreted in a global perspective. From the global perspective, it can be said that in spite of the increase in China\u2019s military power, Russia and United States have been able to sustain their superiority globally (Che et al.<\/em> 2016). Thus, it can be said that the rise of China does not mean China\u2019s development in military sector to show their power to a major force like Unite States, but their capability to reach the power transition strategically. In Asia, it can be said that China has reached the pinnacle of power in terms of military and technology despite having any kinds of assistance from United States. From Neo-liberal point of view, a greater apprehension over rise of China can be seen (Breslin 2016). This has led the Asians having valid reason to analyze the rise of China from a realist perspective.<\/p>\n

\u00a0It is a matter of fact that a greater apprehension might be found in the gradual rise and development of China from the perspectives of the Neo-liberals and though China is lagging behind the rate of development of United States of America. The government of China has been able to develop their finances in fast pace (Abrami, Kirby and McFarlan 2014). The consequences of the rise of China is that nowadays they have become a pillar of the worldwide economy and to sustain the stability of the domestic market, various powerful nations are depending on China in contemporary times. This dependency of the major powers of the world can be characterized by the China-US trade deficit. In the year of 2011, US trade deficit had reached a height if 295 billion US dollars and China incessantly produced goods according to the demand of American market in cheap prices that weakened the power of the American manufacturers to compete with the manufactures of China. This situation exposed the market to various economic issues and loss of jobs (Anderlini and Hornby 2014).\u00a0 Nowadays the economy of United States is largely dependent on China and China\u2019s capability to manipulate the economy of United States somehow managed to help China to retain the largest share of the debt of the government of United States. Thus the purpose of this essay is to evaluate whether the rise of China is positive or negative for the international development.<\/p>\n

\u00a0It can be said that the constructive theory of international relation gives an intriguing reason regarding the contemporary rise of China (Che et al.<\/em> 2016). The constructivists demand that China\u2019s rise either can be harmful or it can be beneficial for the international development; and it would entirely depend on the intention of the government of China that how they want to position the development of China and how individuals of other nations can perceive what is going on. The objective evidence of China\u2019s economic or military rise can determine intention of the government of China and the ideas or concept of the other countries in relation to the rise of China (Bloch, Rafiq and Salim 2015).<\/p>\n

This section of this essay deals with measuring the cognitive dimension of the rise of China in contemporary times and it can be said that lesser cognitive evidence refrains international economists and socialists to get what the individuals of other countries perceive regarding the recent rise of China (Breslin 2016). This issue can potentially lead to various difficulties while evaluating the major international relations according to their theoretical expectations regarding the rise of (China Chiu 2018). Many economists believe that China is a long way back than where the economy of United States of America stands, and in the field of military, economy, politics and culturally China is far behind than America, but it is a matter of fact that the growth and development of China in contemporary times is immense (Autor, Dorn and Hanson 2016). \u00a0It can be said that China being consistent with rebalancing the economy and the next level of rapid growth and development will emphasize on greater value added manufacturing and a shift towards the domestic market and a vast expansion in the field of service sector (Deresky 2017). As the size of the economy of China is huge and thus it can be said that combining with the extent of its global integration, any virtual structural adjustments in China can potentially have international consequence. To see how the government of China can manage the enormous US dollar denominated asset against the background of the depreciation of dollars (Abrami, Kirby and McFarlan 2014). Otherwise, it has been also seen that the depreciation of dollar bills generates an adjustment to boost the exports of United States and slows down the rate of imports for the betterment of the account of trade balance (Anderlini and Hornby 2014). Apart from that dollars depreciation can invoke a financial adjustment by the capital gains for US that set against the losses of the rest of the world (Deresky 2017). This situation shows a significant economic risk for China with its immense stock of cross-border assets and the continuous move towards international economic integration. In this way, it can be said that the diversity in the China\u2019s cross-border assets away from the assets of US dollars and the short term assets issued by the government of America and other nations are inevitable and appropriate (Bloch, Rafiq and Salim 2015). It can be seen as a part of the economic globalization, which has been positive and at times negative for the international system of finance and the global economy. In this way, if the government of China continues to do so it would ensure more decrease in the value of US dollars and may put some pressure on the economy of United\u00a0 States to increase its rate of interest in order to recover from the crisis (Che et al.<\/em> 2016). Hence, it can be said that the increased interdependency of these two major economies in terms of trade, finance and investment can suggest that cooperation can never be a plausible option but a necessity and for many instances, this situation may be extended to the entire economic world (China Chiu 2018).<\/p>\n

The recent rise of China can be looked at as a political process by which the government of China required to shore up their legitimacy after the culture, after when the Cultural Revolution drastically changed the country and caused three issues of reliance in Communist party of China, ideological belief and the assurance in future (Autor, Dorn and Hanson 2016). When CPC understood that performance dependent legitimacy could be the only hope for sustaining the rule, economic growth became the main politics in the country. Subsequently it can be said that the successful economic development may cause various political implications; where the external factors are being monitored carefully and is evaluated by the neighbors of China and the only superpower that is United States of America (Bloch, Rafiq and Salim 2015).<\/p>\n

\u00a0To find out whether China would become a threat to the nations like Japan, United States and other nations it can be said that various concerns of America in this regard arises because of the hegemonic status of the global politics and the ideological incongruity of China with the western world\u2019s value system (Deresky 2017). China\u2019s current economic growth has convinced the western world that within a few years down the line, China will emerge as a super power though the ideological orientation that makes China a revolutionary power may become threatening for both the status of United States and the global structure. \u00a0There are three different logics in order to corroborate the China threat thesis (Breslin 2016). Initially it can be said that the cultural and ideological factors makes China a threat to the western world. It can be said that for the neo-conservists the factor that still the government of China sticks to the communism makes them look adversely in the western world. In this regard, it can be said that in the clash of civilization; the alliance between the Confucian civilization and the Islamic civilization is the greatest threat to the western countries (Bitzinger 2015). The individuals who use this logic against China, gets sensible response from the government of United States. In the long term, the promotion of peaceful China can be seen where as in the short term a containment policy or confrontation may become necessary (Bloch, Rafiq and Salim 2015). Secondly, it can be said that due to the geo-economics and geopolitical factors, for many realists the government of China has shed off their ideological straitjacket as being a huge power in relation to territory, economy and population of the country. In recent times, greater nationalism may somehow drive the government of China into a prolonged course of clash with the western super power America, if the government of America refuses to accommodate the leadership with power in coming years (Autor, Dorn and Hanson 2016). \u00a0There are numerous scholars in this field, who think that the democracy may unleash a strong nationalism and that can potentially make Chin more aggressive towards the United States of America.\u00a0 Thirdly, it can be said that the collapse of China is another factor in this regard. It can be said that opposing first two perspectives or factors, some individuals are somewhat concerned regarding the fact that whether China will go through the sufferance that USSR had gone through and it may invoke a worse scenario for China (Abrami, Kirby and McFarlan 2014). It is seen that the immense size of the population may face refuge problem and the crises like civil war, warlordism, proliferation of nuclear weapons can make impossible for the world to deal with a country like China (Anderlini and Hornby 2014).\u00a0 Thus, it can be said that because of these three issues, the government of United States can oscillate from demonization to romanticization of China, to engagement from containment. \u00a0The relationship of China with United States has thus moved from conflict to confrontation and again to competition and then got back to matters of conflict and issues like cooperation have become rare.<\/p>\n

In this regard it can be said that the government of Japan have a dissimilar set of reasons to get agitated by the aggressive development or rise of China. However, it is seen being indebted to China since the rule of tang dynasty, Japan\u2019 outlook towards China has changed and they may commit patricide to their cultural patron. In the last century, several times, Japan showed their aggression towards China and Japan\u2019 involvement in Taiwan and refusal to provide apologies, and Japan\u2019s alliance with US military has become a matter of concern for China (Bitzinger 2015). \u00a0It can be said that Chinese nationalism is dependent on anti-Japanese sentiment, and the government of China has thus initiated to release fury against the regime by directing the international bullies like America and Japan or the local tyrants. It has been seen that neither Japan nor China have developed a framework to solve their territorial disputes and that has led their relation to decline in a gradual manner (Deresky 2017).<\/p>\n

Leaving the threats regarding ideologies, various other neighboring nations of Cina have more stakes in China\u2019s new move. As for the Southeast nations of Asia, presence of rich Chinese ethnic group and their dependence on the economy of China forces them to carefully handle their international relationship with China (Autor, Dorn and Hanson 2016). \u00a0It can be said that having a huge territory, the government of China enjoys various direct investments from foreign countries and significant amount of exports where China gains the competitive advantage.<\/p>\n

It is seen that a combination of unpredictable political governance along with an immense growth in economy invokes various concerns regarding China among the other countries of the world (Anderlini and Hornby 2014). Thus, the government of China has understood that they should effectively calm down these concerns in order to create a supportive environment to maintain international peace. \u00a0To make the aggressive rise of China look lesser threat towards the other countries, the government of China has sponsored various PR events like exhibitions in numerous foreign countries, various programs to promote the mandarin language and many more programs. It is worthwhile to mention that when China\u2019s premier Wen Jiabao put forward the thesis he made, \u2018China\u2019s peaceful rise\u2019 in his speech that was held in the Harvard University in the year of 2003 (Autor, Dorn and Hanson 2016). In his thesis, there were several mentions of factors in this regard and those are; China\u2019s growth and development is largely dependent on and will contribute also to sustain the world peace (Abrami, Kirby and McFarlan 2014). The government of China will take resort to peaceful way of development and finally, the growth of China will be solely dependent on the domestic resources and market to gain economic prosperity. It can be said that according to the thesis, though China attained their economic development but they would not need hegemony in the world or become a threat to any nation of this world (Bloch, Rafiq and Salim 2015).<\/p>\n

Under the principle of \u201cChina\u2019s Peaceful Rise\u2019 it has been seen that the Chinese government\u2019s active diplomacy at four levels certainly put them forward as an emerging power. Those policies are;<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Creating strategic partnership with second tier powers<\/li>\n
  2. Promoting good neighbor policy in Asia pacific region<\/li>\n
  3. Asking for cooperation negating any conflicts with United States<\/li>\n
  4. Avoiding Japan<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Thus it can be said that in the last decade, the government of China has become more successful and cautious regarding managing the American unilateralism and the internal nationalism to a significant extent (Anderlini and Hornby 2014).<\/p>\n

    Since the last three decades the government of China has started the process of growth and development and the incessant economic and military development of the country had been impressive and somewhat challenging towards the western world. The annual growth of 9.4% can be looked at as an ideal model for the rest of the world and the economic success of China can be attributed to various factors. It can be said that adequacy of natural resources, abundance of cheap labor and significantly large territory are the main pillars of success for China. Apart from these, it is seen that a country with immense population, increased pollution and higher consumption could have been potential elements to stop their growth, but the government of China has utilized all the positive factors in a manner so that those negated all the drawbacks of the nation. It is seen that the exports of China are largely dependent on the demands of the international market and that implies that the nation\u2019s economic growth is significantly dependent on the world economy. It is seen that sustainable development is the proper term that should be used in the case of China\u2019s growth and development. Environment, economy and society are the three aspects of China\u2019s growth and development in the contemporary times. Economically it can be said that the government of China needs to have a continuous and adequate productivity in order to quench the demands of the international markets. The government of China also needs to make sure that they provide a stable environment for industrial and agricultural production to keep the pace of development constant.<\/p>\n

    Finally, it can be said that though there are significant positive aspects regarding\u00a0\u00a0 the growth and development of China, it is also a matter of fact that China\u2019s incredible development is somewhat positive. This is because, along with the economic and military growth, the nation has been able to stabilize the social and environmental aspects of the country and the transparency in the corporate governance have been increased (Bitzinger 2015). The government of China\u2019s inclination to resolve the issues with America and their intention to\u00a0 achieve a cooperative development decrease the threats that the other countries can possibly suspect from the aggressive rise of China in contemporary times. Thus to conclude, it can be said that history taught the humankind that superpowers can coexist when the emerging power believes that their rise will be unhindered and the existing power believes that in the manner they run the world will not be threatened. Thus to avoid any threats, the government of America and China should work in a multilateral way and that can solve the issues and only then the world would not be threatened by the rapid rise of China.<\/p>\n

    Abrami, R., Kirby, W. and McFarlan, F.W., 2014.\u00a0Can China lead?: Reaching the limits of power and growth<\/em>. Harvard Business Review Press.<\/p>\n

    Anderlini, J. and Hornby, L., 2014. China overtakes US as world\u2019s largest goods trader.\u00a0Financial Times<\/em>,\u00a010<\/em>, p.2014.<\/p>\n

    Autor, D.H., Dorn, D. and Hanson, G.H., 2016. The china shock: Learning from labor-market adjustment to large changes in trade.\u00a0Annual Review of Economics<\/em>,\u00a08<\/em>, pp.205-240.<\/p>\n

    Bitzinger, R.A., 2015. China\u2019s double-digit defense growth.\u00a0Foreign Affairs<\/em>,\u00a019<\/em>.<\/p>\n

    Bloch, H., Rafiq, S. and Salim, R., 2015. Economic growth with coal, oil and renewable energy consumption in China: Prospects for fuel substitution.\u00a0Economic Modelling<\/em>,\u00a044<\/em>, pp.104-115.<\/p>\n

    Breslin, S., 2016.\u00a0China and the global political economy. Springer.<\/p>\n

    Che, Y., Lu, Y., Pierce, J.R., Schott, P.K. and Tao, Z., 2016.\u00a0Does trade liberalization with China influence US elections?<\/em>(No. w22178). National Bureau of Economic Research.<\/p>\n

    Chiu, S.W.K., 2018.\u00a0City states in the global economy: Industrial restructuring in Hong Kong and Singapore. Routledge.<\/p>\n

    Deresky, H., 2017.\u00a0International management: Managing across borders and cultures. Pearson Education India.<\/p>\n

    Edwards, L. and Jenkins, R., 2014. The margins of export competition: A new approach to evaluating the impact of China on South African exports to Sub-Saharan Africa.\u00a0Journal of Policy Modeling<\/em>,\u00a036<\/em>, pp.S132-S150.<\/p>\n

    Fitriani, E., 2018. Indonesian perceptions of the rise of China: dare you, dare you not.\u00a0The Pacific Review<\/em>, pp.1-15.<\/p>\n

    Green, F. and Stern, N., 2015. China\u2019s\u201d new normal\u201d: structural change, better growth, and peak emissions.<\/p>\n

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    Hsieh, C.T. and Ossa, R., 2016. A global view of productivity growth in China.\u00a0Journal of international Economics<\/em>,\u00a0102<\/em>, pp.209-224.<\/p>\n

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    Yabuki, S., 2018.\u00a0China\u2019s New Political Economy: Revised Edition<\/em>. Routledge.<\/p>\n

    Yi, H. and Liu, Y., 2015. Green economy in China: Regional variations and policy drivers.\u00a0Global Environmental Change<\/em>,\u00a031<\/em>, pp.11-19.<\/p>\n

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